Evolution of Chinese intellectuals' thought over two decades

罕见：大陆官方媒体发表文章 首提六四事件（图）

京港台时间：2009/6/2　 消息来源：明报　 网友评论 184 条


罕见：大陆官方媒体发表文章 首提六四事件（图）

本文网址：http://news.backchina.com/2009/6/2/43192.html
　　六四20周年将至，中国官方和媒体的态度一直讳莫如深，避而不谈。是以当昨天官方报章《环球时报》发表涉及六四的长篇报道，访问了大批建制学者，甚至在文中援引了异见学者观点时，即时惹来了外界注目。德通社便表示，这是今年内地官方媒体首次明确提到六四事件。

　　这篇文章名为「Evolution of Chinese intellectuals' thought over two decades」，探讨中国知识分子角色的演变，包括了六四事件对内地知识分子的影响。德通社特别提到文章引述了徐友渔在网志所写的文章。徐友渔是《08宪章》要求民主改革的联署者之一。

　　不过文章只有英文版，没有中文版，反映了内地官方的态度仍非常忌讳，无意鼓励内地普罗大众多谈，文章的对象，似乎是内地知识界以至国外媒体。

　　文章一定程度上反映了中共的主流观点，但也很认真地尝试从内地建制知识分子的观点，去探讨自身的位置、角色和心路历程。以下为报道原文翻译（标题为编辑所加）。

　　一. 80年代的知识分子

　　不明朗的理想主义

　　对于目前西方经济陷困失败、中国选择的经济发展道路则取得成功，身为官方顶尖智库专家的丁一凡，感到很庆幸。

　　80年代，丁一凡理想主义地相信西方模式，能为所有问题提供答桉，但今时今日作为国务院发展研究中心世界发展研究所副所长，丁一凡认为20年前自己所编辑的西方思想翻译书籍《社会学发展》，是幼稚之作。

　　认清中国落后归咎意识形态失败

　　80年代末当教师的丁一凡，当时像很多人一样，对中国在全球舞台上的落后，都经历过一阵强烈突然的尴尬困惑，并将这些感觉，归结于「国家意识形态」的失败上。「我们对中国的将来感到不安，我们希望西方能在经济改革上帮中国。」清华大学国际问题研究所教授刘江永说。

　　1978年的改革开放，展开了一场由社会主义计划经济，转型为更具活力的国家主导市场经济。在这场转型的头十年，中国政府发现要解决一大堆因新政策而衍生的政治经济和学术思想矛盾。

　　复旦大学美国研究中心主任沉丁立教授说，当时一般人的生活未能得到全面改善，原因之一是「官僚倒把」，以及社会一些负面因素所构成的障碍。中国人民大学国际关係学院副院长金灿荣则指，当时社会主义市场经济的概念仍未「完成」，中国社会正在转型。

　　对将来欠信心追求自由民主成共识

　　北京大学中文系教授张颐武解释，在80年代，民众对中国的未来仍不太够信心。对中国可怜可悲的经济状看不过眼，加上文革时代遗留下的极左思想，很多中国知识分子在80年代都有一种追求自由民主的共同信念，上海师范大学历史系教授萧功秦形容，「对知识分子来说，那是一个民主启蒙的年代」。中国社科院美国所副主任张立平向《环球时报》说﹕「当时大学内的青年，全在涉猎各种各样的知识，读不同类型的书。」当时，有关不同社会的知识，以及有关新概念的讲授，充斥了大学校园报告版的每个角落，学生们传阅覑不同的书，进行覑各式的辩论，尤其受欢迎的，是各种关于「主义」的辩论，诸如存在主义、人道主义、自由主义、资本主义和马克思主义。

　　张颐武说﹕「不明朗是那段时期的最明显特徵。」他指当年知识分子对西方思想的选择甚为「随机」。

　　二.六四后的知识分子

　　「明白中国不会一夜转变」

　　星岛日报华盛顿分部前主编陈志刚说﹕「80年代是启蒙年代，并几乎成了中国政治转型的转捩点。」张立平认为，六四事件发生之后，中国知识分子「一度变得沉默」，「知识分子不再公开谈论『主义』，而将焦点放在学术问题。一些人担心中国可能往后倒退。」但这些忧虑在3年后，即1992年邓小平南巡强调经济改革后得到扫除。张立平说﹕「邓小平的讲话重燃了人们的希望，恢复了信心。」

　　六四后变沉默邓南巡恢复信心

　　90年代，「经济发展」已再非口号，人们真的目睹生活水平在提升。张颐武说﹕「中国市场经济让个人，尤其是草根民众，得到改变人生的机会。」他的舅舅过去常要问张颐武一家借钱帮补，但在新政策之下，他变得富裕起来，张颐武本人的生活也好起来。

　　苏联分崩和东欧变天，令张颐武很震撼。在读过一些法国理论家的着作后，他转向了他所谓的「较理性」思考。他开始对中国在90年代初的发展，有一个较清晰的概念，再不认为西方模式是一切的答桉。

　　从理想主义走向「建设性批评」

　　张立平称，1989年后，知识分子变得「较温和及理性」，「人们明白中国不会一夜间转变」。丁一凡说，他「知道」学运不会改变中国，「即使80年代西方文化在当时有覑巨大的吸引力」。

　　中国在1992年起急速变化，令一些知识分子开始紧张起来。伴随覑财富增加，社会主义市场经济也为中国带来了功利主义的好处，以及拜金主义的问题。很多人只专注赚钱，知识分子发现他们的精英文化，被通俗文化取代；在80年代一直处于舞台中央的知识分子们，开始感到被社会边缘化。在90年代，很少人关心知识分子说什麽，很多知识分子都离开学术圈，下海从商。在此背景下，以上海大学当代文化研究中心主任王晓明教授为代表的一些知识分子，掀起了有关「人道主义精神」的激烈讨论，知识分子自我反思，讨论如何在新时代调整自身的价值，重拾已失落的「人道主义精神」。中国社科院哲学研究所前研究员徐友渔说﹕「若80年代的文化意识形态，是激进和理想主义挂帅，希望藉此实现改革，那麽之后跟随的，就是所谓『建设性批评』的社会现象，去反思人文科学及90年代中国社会的现实。」

　　绝对理想模式不复存在自由派新左派争锋

　　张颐武表示，中国在这段期间经历了急剧和迅速的改变，「一种绝对的理想模式已永远不复存在。中国人过去是如此的贫穷，他们寻求改变自身生活、令国家强大的动力是如此之强，结果成了推动经济发展的巨大动力」。90年代还是年轻教师的他，发现学生上课只为拿学分，上堂例牌睡觉，但在课堂外，他们会跟老师讨论现实生活的具体事情和问题。「那时我开始感到中国人觉得能够改变自己的生活。」

　　徐友渔认为，面对市场经济所带来的好处和坏处，中国知识分开始分裂成「自由主义派」和「新左派」，他们对这段时期社会问题的根源，有覑迥异的看法，前者认为是旧权力体系妨碍了市场经济在中国的健康发展，后者则批判市场经济，坚持抗拒。

　　三. 21世纪的知识分子

　　互联网拓讨论空间

　　踏入21世纪，随覑再没有具体意识形态主导覑中国民众，互联网的迅速发展，为知识分子提供了表达意见的空间。在80年代，张颐武常迴避诸如人权等敏感议题，他直言当时「选择这种议题，意味否定及与社会割裂」，但现在「我们有更多空间」。

　　中国地位提升学术议题走向国际

　　这些改变也开始在哲学层面出现。社科院的方军认为，在中国改革的初始阶段，哲学探讨常集中于真相的标准，以协助改革克服意识形态障碍，但随覑改革深化，焦点已转到全球哲学圈子的一些根本议题，诸如怎克服工业化后的「文化危机」。

　　全球化加强，以及中国国际地位的提升，也改变了国际研究。国际关係专家沉丁立指出，在90年代，核武是中美关係一大议题，当时「中国没太多机会表达自己的想法和慾求，被迫要跟从美国」，但在21世纪，这模式已变，核武再非中美间的中心问题，反而两国正寻求战策合作。

　　张立平说﹕「踏入21世纪，中国年年经历覑巨变」，她在90年代赴美当访问学者时，对美国科技的先进感到震撼，但当她两年后赴华后，她对中国的剧变感到诧异，她发现美国日常生活所有的，中国几乎全都有。「以往中国人总是想知多点有关美国的事，但现在轮到美国人想认识多点中国。」

　　政治改革环境保护明显滞后

　　张立平说，与经济发展相比，有两大议题明显滞后，那是政治改革和环境保护。沉丁立担心，中国贫富悬殊加剧，贪污日益严重，会打击人民对政府及共产党的信心。「知识分子不应盲目服膺于某一特别群体集团，不管他们是多数派或少数派，都应以理性方法去审视整个社会，帮中国找出符合实际情的道路。」张颐武说。

　　「不再视西方思想为终极目标」

　　清华大学人文与社会科学学院教授汪晖在日内瓦论坛上说，中国知识分子的影响力，可见于豁免农业税、投资于乡镇医疗保健、教育和基建系统，还有教育改革和社保系统改革。张颐武说﹕「人们现在变得较成熟，他们不再视西方思想为中国的终极目标。」张立平也在访问中多次强调，「激进改革或革命是极度不安全，在中国行不通」。　　

　　环球时报英文版原文：Evolution of Chinese intellectuals' thought over two decades

　　By Xie Ying and Lin Jiasi




　　Working at a top political think tank of the government, the author of the patriotic Chinese tome Paradoxes of American Hegemony today delights in contrasting Western economic failures with the successes of China’s chosen economic path.

　　Back in the 1980s Ding Yifan had idealistically believed in Western models as offering solutions to all kinds of problems. But today as a full-time employee at the Institute of World Development in the Development Research Center of the State Council, Ding laughs off as naïve The Development of Sociology, a Chinese book of translated Western thoughts that he edited two decades ago.

　　As a teacher in the late 1980s, Ding like many had experienced the sudden jolt of embarrassment at China’s global backwardness and ascribed those feelings to a failure of “national ideology”.

　　“We were feeling insecure about China’s future, and we were expecting the West to help China in economic reform,” said Liu Jiangyong, a professor at the Institute of International Studies, Tsinghua University.

　　Reform and opening-up

　　While the launch of reform and opening-up in 1978 kickstarted a socialist planned economy into transforming itself into a more vibrant State-controlled market economy, the Chinese government during the first 10 years of this transformation found itself groping to resolve the endemic intellectual, political and economic contradictions of its new and controversial policy.

　　Ordinary people’s life failed to fully improve, partly because bureaucrat profiteering and some other negative sides of the society made the way obscure, said Shen Dingli, a professor at Fudan University.

　　The concept of a socialist market economy was not “finalized” and Chinese society was “in transition”, according to Jin Canrong, deputy director of School of International Studies at the Renmin University of China.

　　People were less confident about China’s future in the 1980s, explained Zhang Yiwu, a Peking University literature professor.

　　Irritated by China’s pathetic economy and the ultra-left thinking left over from the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), many Chinese intellectuals shared a common pursuit of freedom and democracy in the 1980s, “an era of enlightenment on democracy for intellectuals”, Xiao Gongqin, a major spokesman for cultural nationalism and a history professor at Shanghai Normal University, wrote in his Chinese book Thoughts Differentiation among Modern Chinese Intellectuals and Its Political Influence.

　　“The youth in universities were all drinking in a variety of knowledge and reading various books,” Zhang Liping, researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences told the Global Times.

　　At that time, information on different societies and lectures on new concepts filled every corner of campus noticeboards. Books and debates circulated among students. Especially popular were arguments over “isms” including existentialism, humanitarianism, liberalism, capitalism and Marxism.

　　“Uncertainty was the most obvious characteristic of that period,” said Zhang Yiwu. He noted that the intellectuals at that time chose Western thoughts “at random”.

　　“It [the ’80s] was the age of enlightenment and almost a turning point for China’s political transition,” said Chen Zhigang, former Washington bureau chief of Hong Kong-based Sing Tao Daily.

　　June 4 Incident broke out in 1989 and after that intellectuals in China “switched to silence”, according to Zhang Liping.

　　“Intellectuals no longer discussed ‘isms’ publicly, and shifted their focus to academic issues,” she said. “Some people worried that China might slip backward.”

　　Deng’s trip to South China

　　Such worries were dispelled three years later in 1992 by Deng Xiaoping’s visit to South China.

　　“Deng’s speech reignited people’s hope and restored their confidence,” said Zhang Liping. In his speech, Deng emphasized the importance of economic reform and open-mindedness.

　　In 1990s, “economic development” was no longer a slogan. People witnessed their living standards improve day by day. “The Chinese market economy gave individuals, especially those at the grass roots, an opportunity to change their life,” said Zhang Yiwu, author of Xin Xin Zhongguo de Xingxiang (Image of “New New China”).

　　Zhang’s uncle became wealthy, whereas before the policy, he had often sought financial help from Zhang’s family. Zhang himself also benefited. He no longer had to line up for three hours in the cold just to buy five pieces of tofu to entertain a guest.

　　Disintegration of the Soviet Union and political changes in Eastern Europe shocked Zhang Yiwu. After reading some French theoreticians, Zhang turned to what he called a more “rational” way of thinking. He began to gain a clearer idea of China’s development in the early 1990s and no longer considered Western models as total solutions.

　　After 1989, intellectuals became “more moderate and rational,” Zhang Liping said. “People realized that China would not change overnight.”

　　He “knew” the student movement would not change China, said Ding Yifan, “even with the lure of Western cultural influence in the 1980s.”

　　China changed fast after 1992, making some intellectuals anxious. Along with increasing wealth, the socialist market economy also brought utilitarian benefit and mammonism to China.

　　Many focused on wealth creation. Intellectuals found their elite culture replaced by secular culture and felt pushed to the margins of society from being at the center of thought in the 1980s.

　　In the 1990s, fewer people cared about what intellectuals had to say, and many intellectuals left academic circles and threw themselves into business instead.

　　Worrying about this new materialism in the ’90s, some intellectuals represented by Wang Xiaoming, a professor of modern Chinese literature and now a director of the Center for Contemporary Culture Studies at Shanghai University, published “Ruins on the Open Field” in 1993, an article which sparked heated discussion about “humanistic spirit”.

　　Intellectuals reflected upon themselves and discussed how to adjust their sense of worth in the new decade and regain their lost “humanistic spirit”.

　　“If the ideology of culture in the 1980s was radical or idealistically aiming to achieve reform, then there had to follow a social phenomena called ‘constructive criticism’ to reflect on humanity and the reality of society in China in the 1990s,” said Xu Youyu, a former researcher at the Institute of Philosophy, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing.

　　Fast changes

　　China was experiencing drastic and rapid changes at that time, said Zhang Yiwu. “The difficulties were what we paid for that transition. An absolutely ideal mode could never appear.

　　“Chinese were so poor in the past that they had a strong desire to change their life and make the country powerful and this spirit turned into a strong power to drive economic development.”

　　As a young teacher in the 1990s, Zhang found students attended classes just for credits and often slept no matter how interesting the lesson was. Outside class, they discussed real-life issues and problems with Zhang.

　　For example, they discussed the popular TV drama Desire with Zhang. In Zhang’s eyes, this show embodied the changes of 1990s mass culture.

　　“At that time, I felt that the Chinese had found their spiritual sustenance and they started to believe they could change their life,” said Zhang.

　　Facing advantages and disadvantages brought about by the market economy, Chinese intellectuals began to split into “liberalism” and “the New Left”, Xu Youyu wrote in his blog. They disagreed on the root of social evils in that period: the former believed the old power system obstructed healthy development of a market economy in China while the latter criticized the market economy and insisted on resistance.

　　Entering the 21st century, with no specific ideology dominating the Chinese people, the rapid development of the Internet provided intellectuals with space to express their ideas.

　　In the 1980s, Zhang Yiwu kept himself away from sensitive topics like human rights.

　　“To choose such a topic means to deny and break from society in the 1980s,” Zhang said.

　　He said “we have more space” nowadays.

　　Such changes also appeared in philosophy. Fang Jun at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences wrote in his article “Basic Trend of China’s Philosophy Studies at the Turn of the Century” that at the initial phase of China’s reform, philosophy studies focused on the criteria for truth to assist reform in ridding it of ideological barriers.

　　As reform went deeper, focus shifted to fundamental subjects of the world philosophy community, such as how to overcome or prevent a “culture crisis” after industrialization.

　　China rises

　　Increasing globalization and China's enhanced international status also altered international studies.

　　Nuclear proliferation was a focus of Sino-US issues in the 1990s, according to Shen Dingli, an international relations expert.

　　“In the 1990s, China had few opportunities to express what it thought and wanted, but was pressed to follow the US,” Shen said. But in the 21st century, the pattern has been changing.

　　Nuclear proliferation is no longer a centric problem between China and the US. On the contrary, the two countries are seeking strategic cooperation, according to Shen.

　　“After entering the 21st century, China experienced drastic changes every year,” said Zhang Liping. When she visited the US as a visiting scholar at the end of 1990s, she was surprised at numerous vehicles parked along the streets, varieties of fruits and advanced technology.

　　But when she came back to China two years later, she was amazed at China’s rapid changes. She found China had almost everything in daily life that the US has.

　　“In the past, Chinese wanted to know more about the US, but now Americans wanted to know more about China,” said Zhang Liping. When she visited the US again in 2005, she found many seminars discussing China’s rise almost simultaneously.

　　It was once hard for Zhang to make an appointment with American analysts working at think tanks in the 1990s, but today she can “easily meet the same well-known analysts by merely sending them an e-mail beforehand”.

　　Two issues lag behind economic development, said Zhang Liping: political reform and environmental protection.

　　Shen Dingli worries that China’s growing wealth gap and severe corruption might impair people’s confidence in the government and the ruling party.

　　“Intellectuals should not blindly cater to a specific group, no matter majority or minority, but view society in a rational way and help China find a road that fits with the actual situation,” Zhang Yiwu said.

　　The influence of China’s intellectuals can be seen in exemptions from agricultural tax, investment in village health care, education and infrastructure systems, education reform and social security system reform, said Wang Hui, an intellectual historian and Tsinghua University professor at an academic forum in Geneva.

　　“People are more mature now,” said Zhang Yiwu. “They no longer think Western thoughts are China’s ultimate goal.”

　　Several times during her interview, Zhang Liping emphasized that “radical reform or revolution is extremely insecure and does not work in China.”
原文网址: http://news.backchina.com/2009/6/2/43192.html